President Samia Suluhu Conundrum: PLO Lumumba gets his facts wrong
By Joseph Lister Nyaringo
The podcast conducted by Dr Patrick Lumumba on November 3, 2025, regarding the disputed Tanzanian Presidential election, wherein the incumbent triumphed amidst controversy and was inaugurated within the confines of a military installation, merits examination. One might reasonably conclude that the sagacious PLO Lumumba could have exhorted the incumbent President to vacate office, thus facilitating the establishment of a caretaker administration entrusted with guiding the nation towards a more inclusive and representative electoral process.
It doesn't matter whether PLO is a consultant to the Tanzanian government. As a Kenyan elite with international academic acclaim, the best he could have done was keep silent. By going ahead to state that President Samia Suluhu should not be branded a dictator, one wonders: which leader imprisons key opponents and proceeds to conduct a sham election? Which leader shuts off internet connectivity in a country of almost 70 million people merely to stifle the truth, kill dissent and freedom and cling to power without popular will?
The actions of President Samia Suluhu's administration have sparked massive outrage in Tanzania and beyond. Some critics argue that her approach to governance and treatment of opposition figures differs notably from that of former leaders. For instance, comparisons have been drawn between her policies and those of other regional leaders, with some observers expressing concerns about the future for democratic freedoms in Tanzania, which has enjoyed multiparty democracy since it was reintroduced in 1992.
The late President Daniel Moi of Kenya permitted prominent opposition figures, inclu
ding Kenneth Matiba, Mwai Kibaki, Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, and Charity Ngilu, to participate in electoral contests against him. In contrast, President Samia Suluhu Hassan's administration has taken a different approach, with several key opposition figures, such as Tundu Lissu, John Heche, and Boniface Mwabukusi, being detained, thereby restricting their ability to engage in the political process.
The circumstances surrounding President Suluhu's swearing-in ceremony have raised questions about the nature of her electoral mandate. The decision to hold the ceremony in a military arena, rather than a civilian venue, is the clearest demonstration that the election was a sham and her victory was fraudulent since the process lacked transparency and accountability.
The precedent set by this approach may have broader implications for women's participation in national leadership, particularly in developing countries. The perceived lack of openness and inclusivity may undermine efforts to promote gender equality in politics and reinforce existing power dynamics in Africa.
Unfortunately, PLO Lumumba sounded like someone asking Madam Suluhu to extend a handshake to Tundu Lissu, the man who is facing treason charges. This is a man who witnessed what happened in 2007/2008 when post-election violence engulfed Kenya, after the late President Kibaki was sworn in for a second term in office at night. He witnessed the killings of Kenyans and the displacement of thousands. He saw how the nation was on the brink of collapse due to electoral malpractises.
Trying to minimise the gravity of the mess in Tanzania, where madam Suluhu has been sworn in, nothing can happen, is being politically pedestrian of PLO Lumumba. The lady should step down and allow a caretaker government to take up the reins of the country for a couple of months so that fresh elections can be held in the country. This is the surest way to nurture a democratic political culture, which should be radiated or inculcated in other countries reeling from election malpractices, such as Kenya.
How long shall Africans continue to normalise anomalies? In Swahili, we say imekuwa imekuwa (it has happened, we've to live with it). PLO understands the pain of presidential electoral fraud more than anyone else! He should be the last person to appeal for dialogue by the beleaguered Tanzanian President. In fact, PLO sounded openly encouraging handshake politics in Tanzania, which has diluted our Kenyan politics and completely disoriented multiparty politics in the country.
It must be understood that President Suluhu is not the late President Magufuli, who was PLO’s friend. It's also understandable that PLO has an affinity with Tanzania, especially the founding President Julius Nyerere and, more recently, John Pombe Magufuli, President Suluhu's predecessor. As a renowned Pan-Africanist, PLO's views on African politics and governance are highly respected, and his advocacy for African self-determination and good governance has been consistent throughout his career.
PLO Lumumba's perspective on Tanzanian politics is likely informed by his historical connections with the country, particularly his admiration for the late leaders Julius Nyerere and John Pombe Magufuli. It is pertinent to recognize that President Suluhu represents a distinct political entity, necessitating a nuanced approach to understanding her administration's policies and actions. Lumumba's commentary may be influenced by his familiarity with Tanzania's political landscape and his relationships with key figures in the nation's history, but this one should not dent his viewpoint vis-à-vis what bedevils the growth and development of democracy in Africa.
PLO Lumumba's critique of Western NGOs, such as the Ford Foundation, Republican Institute, Carter Center, and Open Society, raises concerns regarding the potential undermining of civil society organisations. These entities play a crucial role in promoting good governance and democratic development in emerging democracies like Tanzania and Kenya.
The civil society, popularly known as the fourth sector, has been instrumental in Kenya's struggle for political pluralism and continues to contribute significantly to the country's democratic space and governance. It is pertinent to consider whether avenues have been explored to secure funding for civil society organisations from the exchequer, akin to the support provided to political parties. Prominent civil society groups, including the Centre for Multiparty Democracy (CMD), Law Society of Kenya (LSK), International Commission of Jurists (ICJ), and others, have made notable contributions to sensitisation, legal representation, and advocacy for justice.
I challenge PLO Lumumba to guide us on how prominent civil society organizations in Kenya can raise funds to execute their mandate without relying, for instance, on Open Society and the Ford Foundation if he objects to foreign funding.
Lumumba's own engagement with international platforms raises questions about the dissemination of his ideas. He is invited to lectures in the global scene and compensated for his contributions, yet it is unclear how his thoughts have shaped Kenya's national discourse. His appearances on YouTube and other digital platforms may have limited reach, primarily benefiting those with access to mobile technology and data.
To effectively propagate his ideas, Lumumba could establish a more inclusive retail platform, engaging with diverse audiences, including idle youth in public spaces like Jacaranda or Jevanjee gardens. This is what ancient Greek philosophers like Socrates and Plato did during the 4th and 5th centuries.
The laudable efforts of international pressure groups, such as the Open Society and Ford Foundation, warrant acknowledgement. Their contributions to Kenya's political development have been instrumental, as attested by notable beneficiaries including Dr Willy Mutunga, Boniface Mwangi, Susan Kariuki, Paddy Onyango, Keny Njiru, and Kepta Ombati, founder of the Youth Agenda, which received funding from external NGOs.
As a direct beneficiary of the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, I can vouch for the foundation's impactful work in fostering young Kenyan leaders through annual intensive leadership training programs. In 2007, this German foundation, in partnership with the Youth Agenda, provided me with invaluable training in political leadership, a feat unmatched by any Kenyan politician or institution. Such initiatives underscore the significance of international cooperation in promoting leadership development and democratic governance.
